Stephen
Clayton July 13, 2011
Commentary on the Written Testimony of
Shana-Tara Regon re: Foreign Corrupt Practices Act before the House Committee
on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security, June
14, 2011. Text here: judiciary.house.gov/hearings/pdf/Regon05142011.pdf
The Written Testimony of Shana-Tara Regon could have been refreshing in that it
presents the views of a lawyer who is an outsider and not a member of
"FCPA, Inc." Unfortunately because she has no background
working with the FCPA or in international business, her testimony is based on unsubstantiated
opinions rather than facts.
Regon gets started right after her introductory paragraph asserting,
"there is vast disagreement and uncertainty about the meaning of many of
the key provisions of the FCPA." She expresses annoyance that
enforcement is focused on corporations - even though the genesis of the
FCPA was corruption by corporations in international
business. She then laments that corporations are unable to aggressively
defend themselves when they are accused of bribing foreign officials; She
offers no data to back those opinions.
The DOJ and SEC have not brought a
lot of cases under the FCPA and in most of them there has been clear evidence
of a violation, either blatant bribery or a pattern of false books and records.
Corporations usually do not go through long trials to force rulings on any
points of law when they have poor facts to begin with. The FCPA is no
exception. Many of the companies that have been the subject of litigation have
had no FCPA compliance program or a program that was paper-thin and not
calculated to deter bribery in situations where the company management should
have known the risk of bribery was high.
Though it is not clear because they do not publish enough information,
the DOJ and SEC seem to be willing to negotiate and many FCPA investigations
are settled with no action taken.
Regon's assertions that the "reach of the FCPA is so vast and its
provisions so amorphous " and the "DOJ overseeing and regulating
virtually all American Companies and individuals seeking to do business
abroad," sound really scary. Based on
her characterization one would think US companies were falling all
over themselves to comply with the FCPA - instead of largely ignoring it.
In the 4th paragraph, after Regon lauds the idea of making bribery of foreign
government officials a crime, she then goes on to assert without
explanation or example, that the law might "be applied to criminalize all
kinds of perfectly legitimate business activities." Her testimony then
takes a turn and seems to advocate that bribery in certain amounts and to
certain people should be permitted. Her language is vague, but Regon
seems to be agreeing that when a US company is dealing with a government owned
enterprise overseas the chance that bribery and corruption will be
involved is very high. Instead of
recommending that US companies should recognize the well known risk of bribery and
establish internal controls and training programs to prevent that risk, she
seems to be proposing to Congress that the FCPA should be amended to make it
clearly legal for US companies to bribe mid level employees of state owned
companies, because those government employees “do not fit a layperson’s view of
a foreign official.” The objective seems to be a revision of the FCPA to
make it legal for US companies to pay smallish bribes to government officials
or to pay any bribes to people who fall outside a narrowly drawn definition of
government official, presumably based on a layperson’s opinion.
Companies are much better off when they
set up their compliance programs to ensure they do not bribe anyone anywhere. If their employees in the field truly lack
the ability to determine when a person they are considering making a payment to
is a government official or not, and they truly cannot discern whether the
payment is an acceptable corporate marketing expenditure or a bribe, they
should refrain from paying that person.
In fact, most people employed by US companies to do foreign business are
able to quickly confirm whether a person they are dealing with works for a
government or a government owned/controlled organization. And US companies employ smart business people
overseas - smart enough to understand the difference between acceptable
corporate hospitality and a bribe.
The “confusion” in that area is a
smokescreen. A well thought out and
properly staffed and budgeted FCPA compliance program would end any confusion
for the company.
Regon got it right when she said dealings with government owned enterprises are
“automatically rife with potential criminal exposure.” Companies are increasingly recognizing that
shakedowns, demands for kickbacks, and bribes disguised in any number of
typical or even inventive ways are common when they choose to deal with
state owned enterprises in some countries. The better corporations -
those which have actually established anti-corruption programs - deal with
that known risk by recognizing it, training their employees and business
partners to recognize it, and setting up processes to prevent conduct in
violation of the law from happening in their business. It is not especially
complex or difficult for a company doing international business to conduct
a risk assessment and implement training, programs and changes to record
keeping processes to make it very difficult for its employees to pay bribes to
employees of the state owned enterprises they deal with.
The first example contained in paragraph 5 of Regon’s testimony
attempts to create an illusion that there is controversy over whether normal
corporate marketing activities are violations of the FCPA. It is a
terrible example, probably because the writer had no real life experience with FCPA
compliance or international business. Experienced international business
people working for US companies are generally smart and know when a
payment is intended for a legitimate business purpose and when it is a
bribe. In almost all cases the line between a bribe and corporate
hospitality is not vague and the decision is clear. If their
employees did not already know it on their own, some
US companies provide thorough FCPA training to their international
sales staff and explain bribery scenarios so their employees know that all
types of bribery are prohibited.
Assuming the company in question
actually had an FCPA compliance program, it is hard to imagine any experienced
FCPA practitioner spending more than 10 minutes to determine the scenario Regon
lays out in her paragraph 5 does not involve a violation of the FCPA. If
a company were actually flummoxed by that example it would demonstrate the
company had an ineffective FCPA program, an ineffective program to deal
with expenses for gifts, meals and entertainment and no lawyer or other
employee on staff to answer standard questions who had a basic understanding of
the FCPA and how the company did international business. Ms. Regon
is a criminal defense lawyer, not an international business lawyer or a compliance
lawyer, and may have seen examples of other criminal defense lawyers giving the
kind of timid, poorly informed advice she warns about. Her example
shows why companies should build up or acquire internal FCPA expertise and not
expend time and money taking routine business issues to criminal defense
lawyers who do not understand their business.
On the issue of “willful blindness,”
business people must consider the risk. Nearly every businessperson with
experience in Russia and the CIS will admit it is extremely difficult to do
business in Russia/CIS without paying bribes.
In Russia it is not uncommon for employees, agents or business partners
of US Companies to both give and accept bribes and kickbacks. So when a company
is doing business in Russia/CIS it needs to operate on the assumption someone
involved in its business is paying bribes – and that the bribe payers/receivers
are smart and experienced and will do a sophisticated job of covering their
tracks. The company’s normal,
lightweight FCPA compliance program and its SOX based financial controls are
not sufficient for an environment like Russia/CIS. If a company is doing
business in Russia and has not fortified its business with policies, training,
partner due diligence and supervision, and a system of financial controls calculated
to deal with the known high level of corruption, should its senior management
(or its mid-level managers in charge of international business) be able to
claim they did not have “knowledge” bribes were being paid? They did not try to learn what was going on in
their business. Is that acting in good faith?
Regon states that she recognizes corruption in international business is
very real and insidious. But her testimony does not convey an idea of how
widespread bribery by employees of foreign subsidiaries of US companies really
is. Her argument falls apart when she says, "But here is
the reality..." She states US companies large and small have
"spent billions on sophisticated compliance programs." She
gives no source for the alleged spending or whether "sophisticated” equates
with "intelligent and effective." Her examples are all
depictions of companies which have such poor compliance programs that they have
to go to outside counsel for routine, day-to-day FCPA questions. If a company
goes to an outside criminal defense lawyer with a question over a $100 meal -
that company has no FCPA compliance program. Questions like those she
states would be dealt with quickly through the company's program. Those US
companies which have put in place effective FCPA compliance programs deal with gifts,
meals, entertainment and travel early in the process and train their
employees to follow their published guidelines. Companies that behave like
those in Regon's example do not have effective compliance programs.
Unfortunately members
Congress also have little practical experience with FCPA compliance
programs or bribery in international business.
They have a policy decision to make:
Do they amend the law to make prosecution of FCPA violations much more
difficult, which will reduce the incentive for companies to put in place
adequate compliance programs? Or do they
allow the Justice Department and SEC to continue the work started in the Bush
administration to enforce the FCPA and make it clear that bribery in
international business is a crime that can be investigated and result in
punishment?
Many US companies that are exporting and doing business outside the US have
spent very little time or money doing an objective assessment of the risk
of bribery and corruption in their business. A risk assessment and basic
understanding of the requirements of the FCPA are necessary prerequisites for
establishing an effective FCPA compliance program. Those companies
have many avenues available to help them understand their risks and the FCPA
and then to set up an effective compliance program. It is probably OK to
assume that by 2011 the majority of members of boards of directors of US companies
which are exporting and most of their senior management have at least heard of
the FCPA. So the conclusion is boards and management do not set up strong FCPA
compliance programs because they believe the risk of prosecution is not great
enough to warrant the expense and effort of establishing a compliance program.
One problem in US international business can be seen in Regon’s statement
"Most American companies a not trying to break the law (implying some
are?); they are not looking for permission to bribe foreign
officials." She is not asking for permission either. She is
asking for a substantial reduction in enforcement so there will be even less incentive
than there is now for companies to set up FCPA compliance programs. In
essence she is asking for changes to the law itself to make prosecution of
bribery cases by the DOJ and SEC significantly more difficult, so difficult
that companies will not have a need to implement effective processes to deter
bribery and most bribery will continue to go undetected - as the situation is
today.
Regon is correct, board members and
senior management of US companies are not trying to break the law. The problem
may be that many of them do not believe bribery is a problem in their company’s
international business. People want to believe they run and work for clean,
ethical companies that hire ethical employees. This positive bias makes it
easy for them to downplay the existence of corruption and related falsification
of corporate records in their company. And their lack of experience with
the on the ground reality of international business makes it difficult for them
to recognize how difficult it is to prevent and detect bribery by their
overseas employees, agents and business partners.
Her assertion that "American
businesspeople… are already doing whatever they can to ferret out and prevent
violations of the law" is asserting fantasy as fact. Some US companies are doing some activities,
and a few companies, mainly those who have been investigated or have been
targets for investigations and those who have discovered clear violations on
their own, have set up very extensive anti-bribery compliance programs. But
even those companies, with their well-funded, sophisticated compliance programs
run by employees with FCPA experience, still have to remain vigilant and
contend with bribery by employees and third parties in their organizations.
They are rarely able to completely stamp it out.
Companies that have put in place and
are running robust FCPA compliance programs and play by the rules should
receive credit and leniency in the investigation, charging and sentencing
processes. This seems to be done in practice by the DOJ and SEC, but their
guidance should be more specific.
Corporations are good at organizing solutions based on clear rules, so
detailed guidance and certainty, in tandem with stiff enforcement and the
reality of regularly seeing lawbreakers going to jail, would encourage
companies to set up effective compliance programs. The more US companies that
do put robust compliance programs in place, the more difficult it will be
for employees with a propensity to pay bribes to lurk in their organizations
and the more rare it will be for bribe-demanding government officials to get
paid. The way to level the playing field
is to bring the recalcitrant up to the level of the compliant. Ending corruption in international business
is a long process. It may take generations to change attitudes and
behavior.
The FCPA has been the single most important law in the 35-year global movement
to combat bribery in international business. The US provided the
leadership that convinced most other countries to pass similar laws. The
FCPA would have remained ineffective, and largely ignored by US corporations if
the DOJ and SEC had not started to enforce it in a serious way during the Bush
administration. Enforcement of the FCPA by the Bush administration pushed other
countries to begin enforcement of their own laws against corruption in
international business. Even in the US, the level of enforcement to date is
still not enough to influence US business people to change their attitudes and
practices about bribery in international business.
FCPA enforcement is not a solution looking for a problem. Business people, including employees, agents
and business partners of US companies, still frequently pay bribes to get or
keep international business. FCPA enforcement and the increased number and types
of prosecutions since 2005 have raised the bar and attracted the attention of
enforcement regimes in many countries. The US is the global leader in the
fight against corruption in international business and has a firm ethical
foundation for its leadership. Congress is now considering amending the FCPA to
give up that leadership. Maybe Germany and the UK will step up and take the
lead when the US fades into the pack. If
Congress is going to make amendments to hamstring enforcement of the
FCPA, the legislation should be based on fact and actual business
examples, not misinformation and speculation.